In the evolution of Pala painting at least two distinctive stylistic phases can be clearly marked.

In the evolution of Pala painting at least two distinctive stylistic phases can be clearly marked. The first one includes the paintings of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, as noted in the manuscripts of the reigns of Mahipala I (c 995-1043 AD) and Nayapala (c 1043-1058 AD), while the second phase is represented by those of the reign of ramapala (c 1082-1124 AD) and his successors, that is to say, the late 11th to the end of the 12th centuries. The style of the first phase is found to be closely linked with that of classical Ajanta.

Whether in composition or colour scheme, modelling of forms or rhythmic flowing line, the Pala miniature of this phase emulated the ideals of Ajanta murals, though in slightly diluted form. From the discovery of some fragments of Pala mural paintings in an excavated Buddhist shrine at Nalanda it is now evident that murals were also executed in the period.
Descent of Buddha, Ashtasahasrika-Prajnaparamita, c 1180 AD
In the second phase two different aesthetic visions appear to have flourished simultaneously. The more dominant of the two was that found in the miniatures associated with Ramapala and Govindapala, one of his successors. The miniatures of this trend show, not unlike contemporary sculpture, voluptuous figures, especially in representing female deities, with colours more saturated in character. These characteristics are also manifested in the paintings of a manuscript of Astasahasrika-Prajnaparamita prepared in the 19th regnal year of the Varman King Harivarmadeva (c 1073-1127 AD) of southeast Bangladesh. This manuscript's now preserved at the Varendra Research Museum at Rajshahi. But the paintings of the Panchavingshatisahasrika-Prajnaparamita, completed in the 8th regnal year of the same king, and now in the collection of Baroda Museum in India, represent quite a different style.
The two-dimensionally conceived figures of the manuscript are delineated in flat colours and delicately nervous lines. They show sensitive fingers, angular limbs, and eyes extended beyond their normal proportions, indicating features of the 'medieval style', which first appeared in the wall paintings of the Elora caves and matured in western India in the Jain manuscript paintings from about the twelfth century. Eastern India witnessed the presence of the style in a few copper plate drawings of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Though some of the Pala miniatures show this medieval trend, it was never a dominant style, as in Western India. But two Buddhist manuscripts, both retrieved from Bihar and of as late a period as the fifteenth century, exhibit paintings of the medieval style albeit in a fragile expression.
Most painted manuscripts of the Pala period are of the authentic Mahayanist Buddhist text, Astasahasrika-Prajnaparamita. The other manuscripts with paintings are of the Vajrayanist cult, namely, Pancharaksa, Karandavyuha, Kalachakrayana-tantra, etc. What is extremely interesting is that there is no thematic connection between the texts and their paintings. The paintings are not the illustrations of the texts of the manuscripts. They are, on the contrary, independent of the content of the texts and, as such, autonomous in the selection of their forms. Irrespective of the texts, the subjects treated in paintings are chiefly from the life of the Gautam Buddha, and depict the events known as his miracles. The eight miracles represented are: (1) Birth at Lumbini garden; (2) Attainment of Bodhihood at Bodhgaya; (3) First sermon at Sarnath; (4) Passing away at Kushinagara; (5) Miracle at Shravasti; (6) Descent from heaven at Sankishya; (7) Supression of the elephant Nalagiri at Rajagriha; and (8) Acceptance of honey from a monkey at Vaishali.
Of these, the first four are recognised as major or more important miracles, representing the cardinal events of the Master's life. Since the paintings belong to a period when the Vajrayana-Tantrayana cult was a dominant force of Buddhism, especially in Eastern India, the depiction of the Tantric-Buddhist gods and goddesses are also found profusely in the miniatures of the time. More popular among the deities painted were Prajna-paramita, Tara, Lokanatha, Maitreya, Vajrapani, Padmapani, Vasudhara, Mahakala, Kurukulla, Chunda, Vajrasattva and Manjushri.
A relevant question is: who patronized the preparation of the painted manuscripts, and why? It is not difficult to answer the first question, as some light on it is thrown by the dedicatory verses of the manuscripts known as Dana-puspika. The manuscripts were prepared under the patronage and close supervision of Buddhist monks, who are mentioned as Sthavira, Upasaka and Bhiksu. In some texts Buddhist followers such as a feudal lord and high state officials are mentioned as donors. The purpose of the patronage was to gain virtue, not only for himself, but also for parents, teachers and preceptors.
Apart from this immediate reason, a deeper source of inspiration for this virtuous work can be noted in the text of the Prajnaparamita itself. The theology preached by the text is found to glorify the nature of the perfect knowledge and its proper application for mankind as well as all living beings. For this liberal humanist viewpoint the Prajnaparamita text was recited in almost all religious functions of Bengali Buddhists. The prestige of the text became so enormous that the votaries of Buddhism worshipped its manuscripts. In fact, many of the Astasahasrika-Prajnaparamita texts bear the marks of sandal paste and incense. Moreover, in the text it has been repeatedly mentioned that copying of the text is itself a pious act. A terracotta plaque recently discovered from a monastic site at Jagjivanpur (Malda, West Bengal), shows a manuscript, most likely of the Prajnaparamita, placed on a lotus as an object of worship. The representation of Tantric Buddhist deities in miniature in the text is possibly another reason of the paramount position held by it.
Bengal was the most powerful centre of Mahayana Buddhism in India from the 8th to 12th century AD; and from here the faith spread to different countries­ - Nepal and Tibet in the north and Myanmar and Thailand in the east. Along with the monks the manuscripts also went to these places resulting in the wide dissemination of the Pala style of painting. In the late 12th and early 13th century, many Buddhists migrated to neighbouring countries with manuscripts and small bronze images. In the following centuries the Pala art style further developed in those foreign lands. In fact, to have a total view of the Pala miniature style it is essential to take into consideration the painted manuscripts of Nepal. [Ashok Bhattacharyya]

(06 of 06)
Bibliography Sarasikumar Saraswati, Palyuger Chitrakala, Calcutta, 1978; Jeremiah P Losty, The Art of the Book in India, London, 1982; Asok Bhattacharya, Banglar Chitrakala (in Bengali), Calcutta, 1994; Claudine Bautze-Picron, 'Buddhist Painting during the reign of Harivarmadeva in Southeast Bangladesh', Journal of Bengal Art, 4, 1999.

According to him, art reached a high watermark during the rule of two early Pala kings dharmapala (c 781-821 AD)

According to him, art reached a high watermark during the rule of two early Pala kings dharmapala (c 781-821 AD) and devapala (c 821-861 AD), when two artists of Varendra or North Bengal, Dhimana and his son Vitapala, attained eminence. They were masters in image making in stone and metal as well as in painting. But in style the son differed from the father. While Dhimana pursued the "eastern style", Vitapala painted in a style termed as "middle-country", which meant Magadha or South Bihar in the Buddhist tradition.
Taranath's observation shows that the painting of eastern India of the Pala age had a recognized style with two distinct regional expressions of Varendra and Magadha. But to understand its character it will be necessary to refer to the classical painting of fifth-sixth century India.
Indian art reached its zenith during the days of the Imperial Guptas (c 320-675 AD) and their immediate followers. The murals of the period, as found at Ajanta, Bagh and Badami caves, are marked out as the best examples of Indian classical painting for their technical mastery and aesthetic superiority. The main stylistic characteristics of the classical paintings are the uninterrupted flow of rhythmic line and the fully developed modelling. The latter was achieved by the application of colours in terms of light and shade and the deft manipulation of line. The sculpture and painting of the classical period pursued the same artistic ideals and both emphasized plasticity and linearism. There is reason to believe that Dhimana and Vitapala revived classical art under the Palas, for Taranath records that Dhiman was a follower of the "Naga" style. One of the centres of Naga power was Mathura in North India, and the city is well known as the epicentre of Indian classical art. The figures of the Pala-miniatures show similar emphasis on sculputesque modelling and rhythmic linearism. In fact, if the tiny miniatures are blown up they will show almost the same features of the classical murals with continuous lines and modelled forms; and for that they are clearly distinguished from the European miniatures which exhibit, among others, broken minute lines. The other significant aspect of the Pala miniature is that they follow artistic ideals similar to those contemporary images made in stone and metal.
Because Pala miniatures were painted over a number of centuries, they did not remain the same in style. Coming from different centres of the Pala Empire and belonging to different centuries, they reveal more than one trend in pictorial composition and representation of forms. ( To be continue 05 of 06)

Painting is a very complicated art. But in comparison with murals

Painting is a very complicated art. But in comparison with murals the technique of manuscript painting is simple. Usually a background colour was laid before the preliminary drawings, but in some examples the drawings were done directly on the leaf. The figures were then filled up with intended colours. For achieving modelling of forms shades and highlights were applied. Then, and in accordance with the tradition of Indian painting, an outline was given in a shade close to the colour of the figure with a medium brush. Finally, fine outlines were drawn in black or red following the previous lines for modelling.
The colours generally used were yellow, chalk white, indigo blue, black of the lamp-shoot, cinnabar red (sindura) and a green prepared by mixing blue and yellow. Most of the colours were tempered by adding a little white. Since the subjects treated were mainly Buddhist gods and goddesses, the painter had to follow the iconographical injunctions of the Sadhanamala and other texts. However, they left glimpses of their aesthetic preferences in spaces where trees, architectural, and other forms were painted around the deities as background. Most of the deities have been done in yellow or deep red colour. The backgrounds are also mostly in yellow or red.
In determining the stylistic character of Pala painting, a reference to the account left by the Tibetan historian Taranath is of relevance. To be continue (04 of 06)

Surprisingly, even after a thousand of years, quite a number of illustrated

Surprisingly, even after a thousand of years, quite a number of illustrated Pala manuscripts have survived. This fact itself provides an idea about the strength and productivity of the art during the Pala rule, which is well known for bountiful creation of images in stone and metal. For an estimate of the quantum of painting so far found it would suffice to state that the number of miniatures delineated on dated manuscripts alone comes to three hundred and more. If paintings of undated manuscripts are added the number increases further.
The manuscripts were written and painted on palm-leaf pages. Palm-leaf is fragile, and therefore many of them are now in a brittle state. In comparison with later palm-leaf manuscripts those of the Pala period, however, are better preserved. This is because they were made of the best quality of palm-leaves obtained from a variety of palms known as Shritada. The leaves of the Shritada are thin and elastic, and therefore less susceptible to breakage. They grow as long as 90 cm in length and 7BD cm in breadth. They were processed for about a month by being kept under water and then dried up, then made smooth by abrading a conch on them, and cut into size. After holes were perforated for the binding cord, they were written on and painted.
The scribe wrote five to seven lines of the text following the length of the leaves on each page, but left out spaces for painting where necessary. In one page usually three paintings of the dimension of 6 cm x 7 cm were drawn, one placed in the centre and two on the flanks. In some manuscripts only two paintings on the sides have been found. (To be continue 03 of 06)

The Pala rule in eastern India

The Pala rule in eastern India, which continued for about four hundred years (c 750-1200 AD), saw the first consolidation of Bengal culture. In this period Bengali genius expressed itself in various creative mediums - architecture, sculpture and painting. Since no painting of any earlier periods has been discovered, and since the practice of miniature persisted throughout the Pala period, and continued in a diluted style even after the fall of the dynasty, Pala painting is considered to be virtually synonymous with early Bengal painting.
The Pala kings were Buddhists, and remarkably liberal in their attitude to other faiths. In the days of the Palas the Mahayana cult of the faith developed its Tantrayana-Vajrayana-Kalachakrayana aspects. The Pala miniatures are in a sense visual expression of these cults. To be continue (2 of 6)

Pala Painting The earliest examples of Bengal painting

Pala Painting The earliest examples of Bengal painting are the twelve extant miniatures delineated on the palm-leaves of a manuscript of the Buddhist text, Astasahasrika-prajnaparamita, dated in the sixth regnal year of the Pala king mahipala i (c 983 AD). This rare manuscript is now in the possession of The asiatic society, Calcutta. There are two more painted manuscripts which belong to Mahipala I's reign, but they are later in date. Many more manuscripts with paintings, belonging to the following two centuries, have come to light. Since they were painted in a period when the kings of the Pala dynasty were ruling the region, they are also known as Pala-miniatures. Technically, these miniatures are so well done that it is impossible to believe that they are the earliest expression of the art in Bengal. They represent a mature style that could only have evolved through generations. But, lamentably, since painting is a very fragile medium, no extant specimen of it ascribable to a date earlier than that of the Palas has so far been discovered in Eastern India.
There is, however, a story in the Vitashokavadana section of the Buddhist text, Divyavadana, indicating that painting was practised in Bengal as early as the third century BC.
According to it, the Nirgranthi-upasakas of Pundravardhana, a city in North Bengal, drew a painting showing Buddhdeva as prostrating before the feet of Nirgrantha (Gosala). For the audacious acts of the Ajivikas of the city, they were totally annihilated by Ashoka. Whatever may be the historical value of the narrative, it suggests the prevalence of the art of painting in Bengal even in the pre-Christian period. To be continue (1 of 6)

Gupta Coins The establishment of the Gupta Empire in the fourth century AD heralded a new era in the history of numismatics.

Gupta Coins The establishment of the Gupta Empire in the fourth century AD heralded a new era in the history of numismatics. The Gupta coinage started with a remarkable series in gold issued by Chandragupta I, the third ruler of the dynasty, who issued a single type- the king and queen - depicting the portraits of Chandragupta and his queen Kumaradevi with their names on the obverse and the goddess seated on a lion with the legend Lichchhavyah on the reverse. Though some specimens of this type have been discovered from the districts of 24-Parganas (North) and Burdwan, Bengal did not come under the Gupta rule till the time of Samudragupta, whose Allahabad inscription places samatata amongst the frontier kingdoms.
Of the seven types of gold coins issued by Samudragupta three viz. Standard, Archer and Ashvamedha are known to be from Bengal. The standard type discovered from Bangladesh, Midnapore, Burdwan, hughli and 24-Parganas (North) depict the standing king holding a standard and offering oblations on a fire-altar. The reverse show a goddess seated on a throne holding a cornucopia and the legend Parakramah. The Archer type, found from 24-Parganas (North), depicts the king standing, holding a bow and arrow with Samudra written under his left arm. The reverse is the same as on the standard type except the legend, which reads Apratirathah ie 'matchless warrior'. The Ashvamedha type, discovered in the Comilla district, shows an uncaparisoned horse in front of a sacrificial post with a flowing banner. The reverse shows a female (probably the chief queen) standing in front of an ornamental spear (suchi) with a flywhisk over her right shoulder and the legend shvamedhaparakramah. No specimens of the battle-axe, tiger-slayer, lyrist and Kacha types of Samudragupta are known from Bengal.
1-2, Samudragupta's Archer type coin, 3, 1st Kumaragupta'slion-slayer and 4, 2nd Chandragupta's archer type coin
Only two types of coins of Chandragupta II, who incorporated vanga in the Gupta Empire, are known from Bengal. His Archer type coins, which became the most popular type of coinage with the Gupta rulers after Kumaragupta I, have been found in Faridpur, Bogra, Jessore and Comilla districts of Bangladesh and Kalighat (Calcutta), Hughli, Burdwan, 24-Parganas (North) and Murshidabad of West Bengal. This type has two classes (one with an enthroned goddess and the other with a goddess seated on lotus on reverse) with several varieties. His Chhatra (Umbrella) type depicting a king offering incense on an altar while an attendant holds an umbrella over him on obverse and a goddess standing on lotus on reverse is known from the single specimen discovered from Hughli district. His Lion-slayer, Horseman, Couch, Standard, Chakravikrama and King and Queen on Couch types have not been found in Bengal.
Kumaragupta I, who issued as many as sixteen types of gold coins, is represented by Archer (Hughli), Horseman (Midnapore and Hughli), Elephant-rider (Hughli), Lion-slayer (Bogra, Hughli and Burdwan) and Karttikeya (Burdwan) types in Bengal. The Horseman type coins depict the king riding a caparisoned horse with weapons like a bow and a sword on the obverse and a goddess sitting on a wicker stool, sometimes feeding grapes to a peacock, on the reverse side. The Elephant-rider type shows a king riding on an elephant holding a goad. An attendant holding an umbrella sits behind him. Its reverse has a goddess standing on a lotus with the legend Mahendragajah. The Lion-slayer type has a king, armed with a bow and an arrow, either combating or trampling a lion on the obverse and a goddess seated on a couchant lion and the legend Sri-Mahendrasinghah on reverse. The most beautiful in the entire series is the Karttikeya (or Peacock) type depicting the king in tribhanga posture feeding a bunch of grapes to a peacock on the obverse and the god Karttikeya seated on a peacock and the legend Mahendrakumarah on reverse.
Two types-Archer (Faridpur, Bogra, Hughli, Burdwan) and King and Queen (Midnapore) - of the four known types of Skandagupta, have been found in Bengal. The latter depicts a king and a queen (identified as goddess Laksmi by some) standing facing each other on the obverse and a goddess seated on a lotus and the legend Sri Skandaguptah on the reverse. Archer type coins of Kumaragupta II (Kalighat, North and South 24-Parganas, Midnapore), Vainyagupta (Khaligha and Hughli) Narasinghagupta (Kalighat, Hughli, Murshidabad, Birbhum and Nadia), Kumaragupta III (Hughli and Burdwan) and Visnugupta (Kalighat, Hughli and 24-Parganas, North) have been found in Bengal. Most have metrical legends inscribed in chaste Sanskrit, highlighting the issuer's achievements on the obverse of the coins. A symbol in geometrical design is usually found on the reverse of Gupta coins and a large number bear a Garuda standard on the obverse.
The Guptas followed a complex metrology for their gold coins. Though they were generally believed to have followed the Kusana weight standard of 122 grains for their early coinage after the Roman aurei, and the Indian suvarna standard of 144 grains from the time of Skandagupta onwards, yet we find a gradual increase in their weight from about 112 in the time of Chandragupta 1 to 148 grains for the coins of the last rulers. It is to be noted that their pure gold content remained 113 grains throughout except for the coins of the last three rulers. It is possible that gold coins were not accepted at their face value but at their real value. The Gupta inscriptions use the terms, dinara and suvarna for them, apparently to distinguish the lighter and heavier types respectively.
Some silver coins of Chandragupta II, Kumaragupta I and Skandagupta were discovered at Muhammadpur near Jessore in 1852 and one coin of Skandagupta has been reported from chandraketugarh. Apart from these coins, no other specimens of silver coins are known from Bengal but reference to them in the Gupta epigraphs from Bengal definitely indicate their prevalence in the country. They were issued on the weight standard of 32 grains and referred to as rupaka in the inscriptions. No copper issues of the Guptas have been reported from Bengal. [Ashvini Agrawal]
Bibliography AS Altekar, The Coinage of the Gupta Empire, Varanasi, 1957; BN Mukherji, Coins and Currency System in Gupta Bengal, New Delhi, 1992.

Between 1300 and 1500 Muslim architectural style and craftsmanship

Between 1300 and 1500 Muslim architectural style and craftsmanship got reconciled with this region's weather, heritage and historical experience and led to the development of Bengal's own architectural tradition. At the hands of local artists Islamic calligraphy and geometric designs got compromised with such elements of Hindu culture as lotus, bell with chain, intertwined flowers, creepers and leaves, and thus a unique tradition of architectural ornamentation developed. Examples of this tradition can be seen in Zafar Khan Ghazi's Mosque, chhota pandua minar, adina mosque, eklakhi mausoleum, tantipada mosque, bagha mosque, atiya mosque and so on.
A regeneration of Hindu culture took place in Bengal in the sixteenth century AD due to popularisation of Vaisnava religion through the influence of Sri chaitanya (1486-1533 AD). Collapse of Hindu caste system, practice of devotion to and love for Krsna opened new horizon in spiritual exercise. Most terracotta temples of Bengal were built during the period from late sixteenth through the nineteenth century. Such wide and varied use of terracotta plaques in architectural murals has never been found in the history of art in Bengal. The Vishnupur (17th century) temple of (West Bengal) and Kantaji's temple (18th century) of Dinajpur (Bangladesh) are best examples of this new spirit. Apart from these, specimens of remarkable terracotta murals are to be found on the walls of many temples at Haorah, Hughli, Midnapore, Bardhaman, Birbhum, Nadia and Baranagar in Murshidabad, West Bengal, along with those at Pabna, Jessore, Faridpur, Rajshahi, Barisal and other places in Bangladesh.
Temples of Bengal offered the artists wide walls, huge arches, fat columns, bases of altars as well as cornices, on the surfaces of which could be engraved endless number of mythological tales. Myths of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, activities of Krsna, as well as contemporary social life, men and women, animals and birds, various creatures and beasts, hunting scenes, designs of creepers and leaves have been depicted with exclusive Bengali characteristics. Apart from these, the lifestyles of Europeans in Bengal along with scenes of sensual enjoyment by the zamindar class are to be found on the murals.
If the temple plaques of the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are compared with the plaques of Mahasthan, Bhasu Vihara, Paharpur and Mainamati, it is found that the latter are larger in size, of deeper reliefs, and are done in modelling method. In later times, blocks were first made with earth, then partially sun-dried up to need, and thereafter figures were cut out with thin chisels of bamboo or iron. Of course, plaques made for the purpose of design were made in moulds. Due to limited plaque size for reason of medium, its aesthetic use has made the temple geometrical and ornamental at the same time. These temples were built at different places of rural Bengal through the patronage of zamindars and wealthy classes. After the advent of the British, European architectural techniques (use of cement and sand) and Calcutta-centred culture put an end to this tradition. After discontinuation of Indian traditional art practices, cultivation of modern art started with its centre at the Art College in Calcutta city. Although Dhaka Art College had been established back in 1948, sculpture began its journey as a separate department only after the birth of Bangladesh. In quest of heritage, terracotta art's new journey and modern experiments began in independent Bangladesh.
In post-independence period a trend is noticed for creating murals with traditional Bengal and the war of liberation as subjectmatter. A few other subjects have also been added to these. Major places where terracotta murals have been placed are Bangladesh Television Bhavan, Bangladesh Army Headquarters Building, Ittefaq Building, Arab-Bangladesh Bank, BCIC Building, Sonargaon Hotel, Grameen Bank, Safura Tower, Bangladesh Military Academy, Bangla Academy, Yang-Wang Corporation (EPZ Dhaka and Chittagong), Muktijoddha Memorial (Rangpur), US Embassy and British Embassy. But it must be mentioned that terracotta ornamentation have not been used in the entire building. Murals have been created in ceramics and mosaic also. [Alak Roy]

Terracotta Sculpture and Mural

A kind of terracotta art style was in vogue throughout the Ganga-Jamuna Valley and Central India during the Shunga and Kusana periods, spreading from the second century BC to the third Century AD. Plaque sculptures belonging to this tradition and fully made in moulds have been found at mahasthan in Bangladesh, and Tamluk, Chandraketugarh, Pokharna and other places in West Bengal. Most of these are figures of youthful men and women. Ornaments of fantastic shapes and designs are found all over the figures which also wear various styles of hairdressing.
Plaque sculptures for hanging on walls have been found which belong to the Shunga period (2nd century BC). These may be said to have been the first attempt of architectural ornamentation with the aim of putting an end to the monotonous linearity of walls.
These sculptures became much more elegant, refined, well-shaped and worldly in the Kusana period (2nd and 1st centuries BC). These were high reliefs smooth in finishing and quite developed in terms of craftsmanship. Figures have been made tri-dimensonal by using two moulds - one for the front and another for the back. Specimens of this category found at Bangarh are worth mentioning. A number of plaque sculptures belonging to the Shunga age have been discovered at Mahasthangarh after excavation. The union of thought with aesthetic quality and that of inner beauty with outward form which took place in North Indian sculpture during the gupta rule (c 300-550 AD) can be traced in the terracotta sculptures in Bengal.
The terracotta sculptures of this period found in Bengal are of better quality than stone sculpture of the same period and region. Excess of dress and ornaments that had marked the sculpture of previous ages did now disappear. An excellent example is the Bodhisattva figure with half-shut eyes and gentle meditative face found at Mahasthangarh. The classical form of Gupta sculpture can be noticed in the plaques found at the same place which feature crowned heads with smooth faces and figures of couples both executed by skilled artists. Terracotta figures of deities, representations of Puranic legends, and ornamented plaques which had first been used to decorate the brick-built temples at Bhitargaon in North India in the fifth century AD have been extensively applied in Mahasthan, bhasu vihara, paharpur and mainamati.
Use of brick in architecture became popular in Bengal due to non-availability of stone and inconveniences in transport, and with that grew the tradition of decorating the outer surface with terracotta plaques. There are still about two thousand terracotta plaques on the sides of the very wide circumbulation path of the great somapura mahavihara at Paharpur built in the eighth and ninth centuries.
Terracotta head, Mahasthan
And more than eight hundred such plaques, scattered as they were around, have been collected. Daily and occasional lives as well as life's various experiences have been portrayed on the terracotta plaques that decorate the temple walls.
Among these, worth mentioning are nature, man, animals, tribal people, Kinnar-Kinnari [semi-divine beings expert in music and dance], gandharva [another species of similar semi-divine beings], skinny ascetic on the street and so on. Plinth of the cross-shaped principal temple of the shalvan vihara at Mainamati was once decorated with a row of terracotta plaque sculptures, like the temple of Paharpur. These are exceptional specimens of the people's art of Bengal in that age.
34 plaques belonging to a later age and found at Bhasu Vihara are much more sophisticated in aesthetic qualities and in terms of skill employed compared to those of Paharpur and Mainamati. These plaques constitute an evidence of advancement in style. Half-man, half-fish or flower, pearl string on duck's beak, elephant, and archer are among notable representations on the plaques.

Terracotta Sculpture and Mural are extensively used in Bengal

Terracotta Sculpture and Mural are extensively used in Bengal because it lacks stone and is covered with alluvium. Although some archaeological specimens have been found in pandu rajar dhibi and Harinarayanpur [pre-Mauryan sites] in West Bengal, the real history of terracotta sculpture starts from the Mauryan age (324-187 BC). It is supposed that in pre-Mauryan times it was the Matrika (Mother-Goddess) statues that prevailed. From the presentation and aesthetic standard of the Mauryan sculpture it can be easily inferred that the art had a long and continuous heritage. Facial expression, hairstyle, head-ornaments, dress and jewellery of the sculpture belonging to the third century BC and found at Tamluk and chandraketugarh (both in West Bengal) are indicative of refined taste and a sense of beauty.
In terms of style it has marked kinship with contemporary stone sculpture. It is to be noted that faces of sculptures of this time were first made in moulds and then fixed on hand-made bodies.

Wood a material of plant origin characterised by a hard fibrous structure

Wood a material of plant origin characterised by a hard fibrous structure and composed mainly of cellulose, hemicellulose, and lignin. The high content (22-29%) of lignin contributes unique rigidity to the structure and thus distinguishes wood from all other plant materials. Wood is produced in a living tree for support, conduction, and storage of food. The support enables a tree to remain erect despite the height to which the tree grows. Wood also performs the role of conduction which consists of transporting water from the ground to the upper parts of the tree. Food is stored in certain parts of the wood until required by the living tree.
Near the bark there is a light coloured wood which is called sapwood. It contains living cells and has an active part in the life process of the tree. It is located next to the cambium. The sapwood layer may vary in thickness and in the number of growth rings contained in it.
Wood conductor reels (packings)
The central portion of the wood is generally darker in colour which is called heartwood. It consists of inactive cells formed by changes in the living cells of the inner sapwood rings, presumably after their use for sap conduction and other life processes have largely ceased. The heartwood is the preferred portion of wood, because in many woods the discolouring substances are toxic to insects and fungi which decay wood. Accordingly, heartwood often offers greater resistance to decay than sapwood.
Wood in its original solid form has adequate properties for many uses. In Bangladesh it is widely used for furniture, cabinet, house, boat, ship, railway sleeper, electric transmission poles, fuel, etc. In the comminuted and reconstituted form, it can provide materials with a wide range of properties. [MA Sattar]
Wood preservation protecting wood, wood products or timbers from deterioration, decomposition or damage due to pest attacks through application of chemical substances. Wood is usually deteriorated by fungi (white rot, brown rot, dry rot, soft rot fungi), insects (termites, beetles, carpenter ants), marine borers (molluscans, crustaceans), and a host of other agents.
No single preservative is available which can meet all desirable requirements. Wood preservatives may be oil-borne, water-based or a mixture of different substances. Creosote and pentachlorophenol (PCP) are the organic oil-based preservatives, earlier used for treating of wood poles, piles and railway sleepers in Bangladesh. Nowadays creosote is used only for railway sleepers.
Treated hardwood
Chromated copper arsenate type C (CCA-C) is considered as effective inorganic water-based preservative and is being used for treating electric wood poles, anchor logs and corsairs in Bangladesh. Chromated copper boron (CCB) is another water-borne preservative, used for indoor use such as for electric meter boards, wooden packings, doors and windows, furniture etc. The third type is a preservative paste, formulated by mixing the oil-borne and water-borne types, such as heavy creosoted boron (HCB).
The life of preservative-treated timber products depends on penetration, retention and degree of fixation of preservatives used. The penetration and retention of a preservative, however, depends on the preservation method. The different methods being used in Bangladesh include washing and coating; brushing, spraying and dipping; soaking; Boucherie process; hot and cold bath process; diffusion process; and pressure process. The full cell pressure process is the best for the highest penetration and retention of preservative and is being commercially followed in Bangladesh. In this process air inside the wood is removed by initial vacuum and then empty cells of woods are filled up with preservative chemical by applying pressure on preservative solution. In Bangladesh fixative type of preservative, such as CCA-C is used for ground and water contact timber products and CCB is preferred for indoor use including hardwood and bamboo. [Arun Kumar Lahiry]
Wood seasoning removal of the moisture from wet or green wood, in other words, drying of wood. The moisture remains in wood either as free water in intercellular spaces or as chemically bound water in cell walls. When the moisture content is above 30%, the wood is usually termed as 'green wood'.
The quality and durability of wood are enhanced by seasoning. Adequate seasoning increases the life of wood and usually affords certain amount of protection from pests and microorganisms. Different natural and artificial seasoning methods are practiced in different countries of the world, notable among these are: air seasoning, steam drying, steam conditioning, Boulton drying, chemical drying, water seasoning, solar kiln-drying, kiln-drying, etc.
Air-seasoning method involves natural air and temperature by putting the timbers in the open or under shade for a long time. It is a traditional method and requires at least one year including one winter season for the round and sawn timbers thicker than 25 mm in climatic conditions of Bangladesh. Thin lumbers, planks, boards, fuel woods are often dried under direct sunshine for quick drying. Air-seasoning is economical for only very durable and refractory timbers, otherwise the non durable timbers are often attacked by fungi, insects, and molds and uniform seasoning is not achieved.
In steam drying the timbers or timber products are heated in a closed steam bath and the heated timbers are allowed for further air-drying.
Steam-vacuum process is more advanced process than steam drying because the heated timber in steam bath is further evacuated, as a result some moisture is evaporated out through vacuum.
Water seasoning is not really a seasoning method but an indigenous method traditionally used in Bangladesh. By this process the green timber or bamboo is kept in water for several weeks to months and then air-dried or kiln-dried for use or for preservative treatment. As a result of water treatment some reserve food materials are removed or decomposed, consequently wood becomes less attractive to insects and becomes more porous for quick drying.
In solar kiln-drying process, solar heat is arrested in a glass fabricated green house roofed by black painted tin, then the hot air inside the kiln or house in circulated by using a motor fan. Thereby the thin sawn timbers inside the kilns are dried slowly. In the past such kilns were installed in Bangladesh for drying crossarms, meter boards, planks, etc, but those are not in use now.
In kiln-drying process high temperature is generated, humidity and wind force are controlled in a heat insulated closed chamber or kiln for drying the timber. It is considered as the best method of all due to the fact that timber can be dried uniformly within short possible time.
In Bangladesh dry kilns or seasoning kilns are used for drying wood poles, anchor logs, crossarms, sawn timbers for doors, windows, cabinet, furniture, etc. Generally soft and light wood dries easily and quickly but those comparatively hard, heavy, impermeable due to the presence of deposits and tyloses (anatomical abnormality which blocks the pores) dry slowly.
Besides the Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corporation (BFIDC), several private enterprises have kilns located at Khulna, Chittagong, Kaptai, Dhaka, Gazipur an Srimangal. [Arun Kumar Lahiry]
Pests of wood living organisms, particularly certain invertebrates causing damage to wood. Some wood boring insects infest freshly felled logs often boring deeply into the wood. The insects do not eat wood, but feed on fungus, often called ambrosia fungus, which grow in the tunnel made by the insect. This group includes the species of Platypus, Crossotarsus, (Platypodidae: Coleoptera), Xyleborus, and Webbia (Scolytidae: Coleoptera). The powderpost beetles, Heterobostrychus, Sinoxylon and Dinoderus (Bostrychidae: Coleoptera) attack dried wood. They bore only in the sapwood containing starch and reduce the wood to a fine flour-like powder. Long-horned beetles, including Hoplocerambyx spinicornis, Batocera (Cerambycidae: Coleoptera) bore in the wood, and their tunnels are usually filled with fibrous wood dust. The Carpenter bees, Xylocopa (Xylocopidae: Hymenoptera) make tunnels in the wood for making their nests. A number of species of termites attack wood on the ground, in storage depots or in use, feeding on the wood materials.
The common insect damage can be prevented by the preservative treatment of wood, residual spraying of insecticides, providing physical barriers with finishes, quick extraction and drying of logs, submersion in water, use of resistant wood, etc. The remedial measures involve fumigation with toxic gases, heat sterilization in kiln, cold sterilization in freezer, etc. Some marine arthropods and molluscs damage harbour fixures, piling, boats, and floating timber in salt water. The most notable are the gribbles, Limnoria spp. (Crustacea) and the shipworms, Teredo and Bankia (Bivalvia: Mollusca). [Md Wahid Baksha]

Laily-Majnu a medieval Bangla romance..

Laily-Majnu a medieval Bangla romance, composed initially by daulat uzir bahram khan, an inhabitant of Chittagong. It is an adaptation of the Arab and Persian story, Laila. The two characters, Laily-Majnu are ill-fated lovers. There are several versions of the story in Persian, by Abdur Rahman Jami and Abdullah Hativi among others. It is believed that Bahram Khan based his poem on Jami's Laila wa Majnun. However, while Jami's poem is inspired by the theme of spiritual love and Sufi mysticism, Laily-Majnu emphasises physical love. [Amrita Lal Bala]

Bandyopadhyay, Rakhaldas (1885-1930) historian, pioneer among the natives in the field of Indian archaeology

Bandyopadhyay, Rakhaldas (1885-1930) historian, pioneer among the natives in the field of Indian archaeology, epigraphy and palaeography and a litterateur, was born on 12 April 1885 in Berhampore of Murshidabad district. Son of Matilal and Kalimati, Rakhaldas graduated from presidency college with Honours in History in 1907 and passed MA in History from the Calcutta University in 1910.
Rakhaldas joined the indian museum, Calcutta, as an Assistant to the Archaeological Section in 1910 and the Archaeological Survey of India as Assistant Superintendent in 1911. Promoted to the rank of Superintending Archaeologist in 1917 Rakhaldas was forced to take voluntary retirement in 1926.
He then joined the Banaras Hindu University in 1928 as Manindra Chandra Nandy Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture and held the post till his premature death at the age of forty-five on 30 May 1930 at Calcutta.
Rakhaldas Bandyopadhyay
During this short span of life, Rakhaldas wrote no less than fourteen monographs and books, nine novels and more than three hundred articles in Bangla and English. Rakhaldas was a nationalist historian with a broad view of Indian civilisation. His works can be divided into several categories: (1) descriptive catalogues (2) epigraphy and palaeography, (3) numismatics, (4) architecture and sculpture, (5) excavation and field archaeology, (6) text books on Indian history and regional history and (7) novels in Bangla.
Descriptive catalogues of Rakhaldas include (i) Catalogue of Antiquities in the Lucknow Museum (1908, unpublished), (ii) Catalogue of Inscriptions on Copper Plates in the Collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1910), (iii) Descriptive List of Sculptures and Coins in the Museum of the Bangiya Sahitya Parishat (1911) and (iv) Antiquities of the Oudh State (1929). These works are comparable in merit to those of Luders, Kielhorn and DR Bhandarkar.
Contributions of Rakhaldas in the fields of palaeography and epigraphy are of immense importance. He dedicated his work The Origin of the Bengali Script to haraprasad shastri and Theodor Bloch and it earned for him the prestigious Jubilee Research Prize of the Calcutta University in 1913. First published in 1919 (Reprinted in 1973), it was a pioneer attempt at tracing the development of Bangla script on the basis of inscriptions and manuscripts. Rakhaldas for the first time drew attention of scholars to the proto-Bangla script, which ultimately developed into Bangla script. The Palaeography of the Hathigumpha and Nanaghat Inscriptions, published as a Memoir of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1929, is regarded as another important contribution to the study of Indian palaeography. He edited and re-edited more than eighty inscriptions, published in different volumes of the Epigraphia Indica, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Indian Antiquary, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, etc. In most cases, readings of texts of the inscriptions given by Rakhaldas still remain unchallenged. He had a keen interest in the Kharosti script, which is illustrated in an article, published in 1920.
The greatest achievement of Rakhaldas in the field of Indian coins is, undoubtedly, the Prachin(a) Mudra (in Bangla), part I, which gives a scientific account and critical analysis of coins of ancient and early medieval India. Published in 1914 (1321 BS) it was the first book on numismatics ever written in an Indian language. The only work, which Rakhaldas had in front of him, was Indian Coins by Rapson (1898). Rakhaldas studied coins purely from the historical point of view bringing out their importance in reconstructing the history of ancient India. His articles on medieval and late medieval coinage of India were published in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Numismatic Supplement of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, etc. He wrote a foreword to the catalogue of sculptures and coins preserved in the museum of the Bangiya Sahitya Parishat.
Rakhaldas made outstanding contributions to the study of art, architecture and iconography in relation to the history of ancient and medieval India. His three volumes on the Temple of Shiva at Bhumara, Bas Reliefs of Badami and The Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments, published in the Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India in 1924, 1928 and 1931 (posthumously) respectively are eloquent illustrations of his profound knowledge of Indian art in its various dimensions. These works are still valued as source books by all students and historians of Indian art. For a better understanding of Rakhaldas' exposition of Indian art in a greater perspective one has to go through the chapters on sculpture and architecture incorporated in The Age of the Imperial Guptas (1933) and History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period (2 volumes published in 1930 and 1931). In the chapter on architecture of the Gupta period Rakhaldas presented a comprehensive account of the remains known to and discovered by him which could geographically be located within the realms of the Imperial Guptas. In the chapter on architecture of Orissa, he distinguished the Orissan temple style from the Nagara style of northern India and characterised the Orissan temples as specimens of Kalinga style on the basis of a reference found in the Amrteshvara temple inscription from the Bellary district of Karnataka.
In the chapter on Plastic Art in the Age of the Imperial Guptas, Rakhaldas carefully distinguished the stylistic features of Gupta art manifested in different regions and referred to Mathura, Varanasi (Saranath) and Pataliputra as the three principal schools of Gupta sculpture, and to Mandasor (ancient Dasapura) and Eran (Airakina), etc as the centres of the growth of sub-schools.
The most memorable contribution of Rakhaldas to the study of Indian art was Eastern Indian Medieval School of Sculpture, published posthumously in 1933. Replete with nearly four hundred illustrations, the book deals with methodology, origin and evolution of Eastern Indian art, iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical gods and goddesses, technique of metal sculpture, Jaina images, medieval architecture of eastern India. Rakhaldas arranged the Pala-Sena sculptures chronologically on the basis of inscribed images bearing dates and palaeographical peculiarities of the undated image inscriptions. He also contributed six valuable articles in Bangla on East Indian art to which he gave the nomenclature Gaudiya Shilpa. Published in the prabasi between 1927 and 1930 these articles depict the development of Gaudiya style.
Rakhaldas had a keen interest in iconography. His deep knowledge in this branch of Indian studies is exemplified in the paper, 'Three Sculptures in the Lucknow Museum' published in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1909-10. He justifiably identified one of them as that of Panchamukha Shivalinga. In his Eastern Indian Medieval School of Sculpture he identified a number of enigmatic images and explained the myths and dhyanas of Pala-Sena images with apt illustrations.
Rakhaldas Bandyopadhyay (RD Banerjee) is now a household name as the discoverer of Mahenjodaro. As Superintending Archaeologist of the Western Circle he had gone to the Sind region in search of Greek pillars of victory and while unearthing the Buddist Vihara surmounting the mound he came upon certain objects which reminded him of similar specimens found by Sahani from Harappa. He started digging in 1922 when the prehistoric remains were revealed. His interpretations and analysis about this civilisation were published in a number of articles and books: An Indian City Five Thousand Years Ago (Calcutta Municipal Gazette, November, 1928); Muhen-jodaro (in Bangla, Basumati, 1331 BS); Prehistoric, Ancient and Hindu India (posthumously published, 1934) and Mahenjodaro - A Forgotten Report (1984).
Rakhaldas, transferred to the Eastern Circle of the Survey in 1924-25, carried on excavations at paharpur and the report was published under the title 'Temple of Paharpur' in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1925-26. During the last two years of his service in the Archaeological Survey Rakhaldas conducted extensive tours in Bengal and Assam and explored the sites of mahasthangarh and Ghoraghat, and surveyed the monuments of Murshidabad and Dhaka. He for the first time brought to the attention of scholars the ancient and early medieval sculptures and structural remains of Assam, and discovered carvings of door-jambs of a ruined temple at Dah Parvatia near Tejpur.
Rakhaldas wrote two textbooks according to the Matriculation syllabus of the Calcutta University, viz., History of India (1924) and A Junior History of India (1928). His The Age of the Imperial Guptas (1933) is a collection of lectures delivered by him in 1924. Rakhaldas treated the history of Bengal in an Indian perspective beginning with the dawn of civilisation in the Middle East and racial movements into India in early days. Of outstanding importance are the two volumes on the history of Bengal in Bangla, entitled Bangalar Itihasa (Vol I published in 1914 and Vol II in 1917) and the two volumes on the History of Orissa. Bangalar Itihasa, can rightly be regarded as the first attempt at writing a scientific history of Bengal along with ramaprasad chanda's Gaudarajamala. While the Bangalar Itihasa covers the history of eastern India for the ancient and medieval periods, the two volumes of the history of Orissa cover all the periods - ancient, medieval and modern.
His Bangla novels like Shashanka, Dharmapala, Karuna, Mayukh, Asim, Lutf-Ulla, Dhruba, Pasaner Katha, Anukrama, Hemakana depict Rakhaldas as a litterateur. Some of these were translated in other Indian languages.
[Amitabha Bhattacharyya]

Chandraketugarh an archaeological site..

Chandraketugarh an archaeological site. Located on the Vidyadhari, once an important tributary of the Bhagirathi, Chandraketugarh (Chandraketugad) is situated 35 kilometres northeast of calcutta in the district of 24 Parganas of West Bengal. Excavations at the site for several years have revealed materials, which prove the antiquity of the site and its archaeological importance. The excavated material is in the collection of the asutosh museum and the State Archaeological Museum, Calcutta, and in addition there are a number of private collections in and around the town.
The settlement dimension of the site spreads over a wider area comprising the present day villages of Devalaya, Hadipur, Berachampa, Shanpukur, Jhikra and Itakhola. However, it must be said that the chronological correlation of the different structural phases has not been done satisfactorily. A huge rampart wall made of mud encircled the core area of the place, rectangular in shape, and spreading over roughly one square mile. The digging at Chandraketugarh, Khanamihirer Dhibi, Itakhola and Nungola - all within the rampart walls - have laid bare five occupational periods.
While Period I represents a thin layer of pre-NBPW level, Period II, belonging to a period from c 400 BC to 100 BC is characterized by the use of a red ware in the shape of a long necked jar, big rimless round cups and bowls, NBP wares in black, gold and purple shades, sherds of plain grey colour, fragmented pieces of ivory and copper antimony rods, punch marked copper coins, uninscribed cast copper coins, and a fairly good number of terracottas, including a large number of beads, seals and sealings. Period III, contemporary with the Kusanas and apparently the most prosperous, has yielded fine pieces of diagnostic rouletted pottery of Roman affiliation, broken pieces of amphorae sherds in black or mat-red, fine red pottery with stamped design, grey pottery, and finely moulded terracotta figurines.
This period is assignable to about the first three centuries of the Christian era. Period IV, ascribable to Gupta and late Gupta times, is marked by its yield of typical seal and sealings, terracottas and stamped and moulded pottery. The most important find of this period is the more than fourteen feet high remains of a massive sarvata-bhadra-type of brick temple with reentrant angles. No cult object was found to connect the shrine with any particular deity. However the lower part of a sand stone plaque representing the figure of Surya has been found in the Gupta deposit. The archaeological evidence of period V, belonging possibly to the Pala phase, is very limited.
On the evidence of art objects it is clear that the principal artistic medium of the site from the Maurya through the Gupta periods was the terracottas made from moulds. In all meaningful aspects this art in its stylistic affiliation seems to run a parallel course with those art objects of Gangetic India of c 350 BC through to c 500 AD. They reveal the astonishing thematic variety which is characteristic of this school. These range from religious and ritualistic objects like primitive earth goddess, yaksa, yaksinis, nagas, male or female figures, at times standing on wheeled animals, and winged deities, to types and forms which are frankly secular. It is among the terracotta assemblages of the first three centuries of the Christian era that one comes across imprints of Graeco-Roman contacts in dress and/or in physiognomic features. Chandraketugarh has provided for us a deluge of terracottas depicting amorous couples shown in dalliance or in maithuna postures. The male and female figurines with intricate ornamentation are suggestive of imitation of the gold smith's craft.
The site still remains to be definitely identified. But there is reason to believe that this was possibly the ancient 'Gange', a place mentioned both by Periplus and Ptolemy.
[Amita Ray]

Industrialisation (up to 1947) The process of industrialisation and the growth of industrial capitalism in India was integrally connected

Industrialisation (up to 1947) The process of industrialisation and the growth of industrial capitalism in India was integrally connected with the consolidation of British colonial rule and the transformation of India from a feudal into a colonial and semi-feudal country. The fact that India was colonised by Britain made her history proceed along a path different from that of the West. Firstly, industrial capitalism emerged and developed in India in conditions basically different from those in which it had developed in the West. It arose in a dependent country ruled by a foreign power and so was unable to develop along independent lines. Colonial rule transformed the Indian economy into an appendage of the metropolitan economy. Secondly, unlike in Britain, industrial capitalism grew in this country not by defeating feudalism but by adjusting itself to it. In India feudal princes like those of Baroda, Mysore, Indore and Travancore themselves set up factories and encouraged and helped industrialists in various ways. In Bengal too, at the beginning of the twentieth century, zamindars like Manindra Chandra Nandi of kasimbazar, Brajendra Kishore Roy Choudhury of Mymensingh, Bipradas Pal Choudhury of Nadia, Taran Gobinda Choudhury of Pabna and others invested in industrial enterprises.
Thus industrial capitalism did not make its appearance in this country in the course of the normal evolution of industry as it did in the countries of the West. No anti-feudal, bourgeois social revolution, or technological leap had prepared the way for its emergence. On the contrary, it was transplanted from an advanced capitalist country to a dependent feudal country to cater to the imperial needs of the former. This is where India stood in the nineteenth century and Bengal was no exception to this pattern.
The industrial scene in Bengal before colonial rule was dominated by handicrafts encompassing a wide range of industries viz, textiles, pottery, cutlery, tanning and leather, paper, indigenous medicine, oil, bell-metal, brass-metal etc. There were leaps from the stage of handicraft to that of manufactory in some sectors like paper, but that was secondary.
From the eighteenth century major changes had been taking place in the political scenario of Bengal which ushered in broad economic and social changes. The battle of palashi (1757) opened up new opportunities of business and hastened the process of urbanisation, railway construction, the growth of Calcutta port and Barrabazar market. It also encouraged the migration of the marwaris from Rajasthan to Eastern India and the settlement in Calcutta of different business communities other than Bengalis, such as Marwaris, Khetris, Parsis, Gujaratis, Punjabis, Chettiars, armenians, Jews and Europeans. The new situation opened up new opportunities to these business communities to serve as intermediaries in the new export-oriented commerce that the British were developing. Among those Bengali merchants who benefitted were ramdulal de and dwarkanath tagore. While Ramdulal took advantage of the American War of Independence and became the real pioneer of trade with American in Bengal, Dwarkanath had his interests intertwined with the British. He invested in such fields as opium, indigo, sugar, silk, coal, banking and shipping, most of which were done jointly with the Europeans. What is pertinent to note here is that the business they carried on was not along independent lines but in close collaboration with foreign capital.
While colonial rule benefitted a section of Bengali merchants and entrepreneurs who acted as one of its main pillars, there were other social classes that bore the brunt of colonial expansion. The policy of plunder perpetrated during periods of mercantilism and free trade contributed to the destruction of the handicraft industries of Bengal. It was stated in a survey of 1890 that except in woodwork, brassware, mat-work and pottery, the manufacturers of Bengal had almost entirely been superseded by European imports. This de-industrialisation, accompanied with the steady drain of wealth to Britain, evoked a strong reaction from nationalists. The nationalist discourse of the time was articulated through the writings and speeches of such intellectuals as Dadabhai Naoroji, MG Ranade and romesh chunder dutt, who focussed on issues such as the poverty of India, the colonial policy of revenue extraction etc. While nationalist papers like Amrta Bazar Patrika, Bengalee dealt with various issues relating to the impact of colonial rule, Bholanath Chandra in Mookerjee's Magazine advocated the boycott of foreign goods in favour of indigenous ones. satish chandra mukherjee in Dawn and Dawn Society's Magazine and others in periodicals such as Swadeshi and Bande Mataram debated the efficacy of industrialisation in India.
While there was a lively response to the new situation, swadeshi economic ventures started developing from the late nineteenth century. Swadeshi industries got an impetus during the political campaign against the partition of bengal in 1905 when the cry for the boycott of foreign goods was added to the general propaganda in favour of the manufacture and use of indigenous products. Bande Mataram held that boycott and swadeshi would "mutually stimulate" each other, the former creating a market for the latter.
Despite strong public opinion in favour of swadeshi, there was no homogenous character to the industrial enterprises of Bengal. The expatriate British capitalists invested in jute, tea, paper and other industries and were busy extracting as much profit as possible for export to Britain in collaboration with Indian middlemen. The Indian big bourgeoisie, consisting primarily of Marwaris, invested mainly in cotton textiles and jute; and set up such jute mills as the Birla Jute Mills (1919), Hukumchand Jute Mills (1919), and Hanuman Jute Mills (1928) and cotton textile mills such as the Mathurdas Mills (1921) owned by HG Dalmia and the two cotton mills (1916, 1927) owned by ST Goenka.
The Indian big bourgeoisie and a section of the middle bourgeoisie such as those represented, among others, by Rajendra Nath Mukherjee, had their economic and political interests tied up with the British Raj and were generally unmoved by the swadeshi movement of the time. The small and other sections of the middle bourgeoisie of Bengal, on the other hand, pursued a policy not of collaboration with the Raj but of self-reliance, and strove to bring about industrialisation along national lines. These swadeshi entrepreneurs drew sustenance from the anti-partition movement and strove to create and capture the domestic market, primarily by the production of consumer goods, and secondarily by technological inventions and development of the means of productions for commercial purposes whenever possible. It was this trend which gave swadeshi industrial enterprises a national content and colour.
From the late 19th to the mid-20th century, there were different strands within indigenous industrial activity. The first was promotion of technical education by formulating a science curriculum in the university syllabus, and by setting up a separate technical institute and a society for the development of Indian industries. With this end in view, the Indian Industrial Association was founded in 1891 by Promothanath Bose and the Association for the Advancement of Scientific & Industrial Education of Indians was established in 1904 by Jogendrachandra Ghosh. The latter provided scholarships to young men so that they could go abroad to get technical education and join indigenous companies as experts after their return. The second objective was the promotion of swadeshi sales through exhibitions, swadeshi shops, and cost price hawking by volunteers.
The third important strand, which made swadeshi a viable proposition in Bengal, was the revival of traditional handicrafts. This was noticeable in cotton spinning and weaving in Presidency, Burdwan, Dhaka, Chittagong and Rajshahi Divisions; silk weaving in its traditional centres at Murshidabad and Malda; cutlery manufacture at Burdwan, Howrah, Noakhali and Barisal; brass and bell-metal wares in North Midnapore which replaced imported enamelled goods; nib manufacture in Barisal, Purulia, Comilla, Calcutta and other districts; paper manufacture in Dhaka, Hughli, Howrah, and Murshidabad; and conch-bangles in Dhaka, Sylhet, Murshidabad and Chittagong.
The fourth strand, the building up of modern industries with features that gave them a real swadeshi content, accompanied the revival of handicrafts. These were cotton textiles, drugs and pharmaceuticals, iron foundries, matches, cigarettes, leather, paper, pottery, chemicals, waterproof materials, glass, oil, ink, perfumes, disc records, pen, pencil, penholder, electric lamp, comb, button, hurricane lantern, fan, flash-light, battery and types, to name only a few.
Cotton Textiles A number of weaving, hosiery and cotton mills were set up in the face of foreign competition. To the first category belonged the Pioneer Weaving Mill (1906) of Jalpaiguri, the Calcutta Weaving Co (1906) of Calcutta and others formed with nominal capital, ranging from Rs 20,000 to Rs 50,000. The hosiery mills were more conspicuous by their presence, both numerically and in the volume of business. The Oriental Hosiery Mfg Co (1893), later known as the Bengal Hosiery Co, The Student Economic Hosiery (1908), the Tollygunj Hosiery Factory of Calcutta, Gupta & Co's Hosiery Factory (1904) of Patuatully, Dhaka, and Pabna Silpa Sanjibani Co (1906) of Pabna, to name only a few, made cotton vests and cotton and woollen socks of different varieties in the face of Japanese and British competition. To the third category belonged the Kamala Mills (1906) and Sreenath Mill (1906) of Calcutta, the Bangalakshmi Cotton Mills (1906) of Hughli, the Mohini Mills (1906) of Kushtia and many others which produced fancy cotton goods, dhoties, sarees, bed-sheets, markins, twills, and hospital requisites such as bandages, and gauge cloths, as also grey and coloured yarns, many of which had a large demand in Bengal and outside.
Drugs & Pharmaceuticals The system of Ayurveda which served as the basis of Indian pharmacopaeoa right from the ancient period declined when the allopathic system of the West got an ascendancy with the patronage of the colonial state. Chemicals and patent medicines, mainly of the allopathic, and partially of the homeopathic variety coming from UK, Japan, Italy, USA and Hong Kong got a strong foothold at least in urban areas. Foreign companies set up their units in India and hawked their wares everywhere. Of those, the major companies were D Waldie & Co, Bathgate & Co, Wilkinson, Smith Stanistreet & Co, R Scott Thomson & Co, King & Co and Hahneman Home.
The swadeshi response to this challenge took two forms: one was the regeneration of ayurvedic medicine, and the other was the introduction of swadeshi allopathy in the form of an admixture of eastern and western systems of medicine. Notable among the ayurvedic companies were the Haran Ayurvediya Aushadhalaya (1865) of Bankura, Kalpataru Ayurvedic Works (1914) and CK Sen & Co (1878) of Calcutta, Sakti Aushadhalaya (1901), Sadhana Aushadhalaya (1914) and Dacca Ayurvediya Pharmacy Ltd (1919) of Dhaka. The most notable of the sawadeshi allopathic companies were the Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works (1892) and the Bengal Immunity Co (1919) of Calcutta, which made original research and manufactured, among other things, patent medicines covering a wide range of diseases such as liver disorders, female diseases, cough and cold, diabetes, amoebic dysentery, skin diseases, diphtheria etc. Despite strong foreign competition and hurdles put up by the government in the form of high railway freight, these two companies spread their market network in many parts of the country and generated considerable employment opportunities.
Iron Foundry For a long time the ironsmiths of Bengal used to produce articles of daily use in rural and urban centres. However, with the introduction and expansion of the railways and the gradual rise in the quantity of imported iron and steel under colonial rule, indigenous industry had been on the wane. European hard iron was more suitable for industrial establishments than the indigenous iron of the maleable type. Despite these limitations, indigenous smiths and entrepreneurs continued their manufacture through indigenous process as also by the adoption of western technology and methods during the swadeshi period. The products included agricultural implements, knives, razors, scissors, nut-crackers, daggers, steel trunks, iron-safes, despatch-boxes, dustbins, tubes, lock and key, surgical instruments, sugarcane-crushers and machines of different types.
The major centres in the rural zone were Kanchannagar of Burdwan; Lohani of Kushtia; bhagawangola, Shimulia, Ziaganj and Dhulian of murshidabad; Jagatballavpur, Panchla and Makardah of Howrah; Siuli Union, Nimta, Deolia, Khamarpara and Sodepur of 24-Parganas; Senhat in Nadia; Kalikutcha and Brahmanbaria of Tripura and some areas of Chittagong. The urban firms that excelled in this branch of manufacturing were, among others, Sikdar & Co, Subal Factory, India Cutlery Mfg Co, Bhowani Eng Works, Maya Eng Works and Betjan & Co of Calcutta; House of Labourers and Pioneer Iron Works of Comilla; the Great Eastern Galvanising Works and Ghatak Iron Works of 24-Parganas; KL Mukherjee, Hind Machineries (sic) Ltd and the India Machinery Co of Howrah. These firms manufactured a variety of machines on their own, viz, wood-cutting, peeling, dipping, splint-levelling, various match-making machines, drilling, milling, grinding, lathe presses, shearing, printing, weighing, machines for cotton and jute mills, planing and many others.
Match The safety matches we use today were the products of the West. The import of matches to India started roughly from the mid-19th century. The main exporting countries were Sweden, Norway, Germany, Belgium, Japan and UK. Of them, Sweden and Japan became dominant exporters in later years. After World War I, giant monopolies came to be formed and one of them - the WIMCO (Western India Match Co)-the Indian unit of the Swedish-American match combines (Svenska Tandsticks Aktiebolaget) - attempted was out to monopolise the Indian market and, in the process, crush the indigenous industries.
The swadeshi entrepreneurs met the challenge from the West by setting up, with whatever resources available at hand, workshops both on the factory and cottage scale in the 1890s. The failure of two of the earliest ventures, namely the Bengal Safety Match Mfg Co (1892) and the Indian Match Factory Ltd (1892) of Calcutta due to foreign competition and non-availability of wood, was followed, during the heyday of the swadesi, by the formation of a number of new swadesi companies. To the category of those operating on factory lines belonged the New Sunderban Match Factory Ltd (1923) of Khulna; the Prasanna Match Factory (1921) of Dhaka; the Bhagirathi Match Factory (1926) and the Pioneer Match Factory of 24-Parganas; the Bande Mataram Match Factory (1907), the Oriental Match Mfg Co (1906) and the Calcutta Match Factory (1911) of Calcutta; the Santosh Match Factory of Purulia and many others. Of the small-sized factories we can name Bangiya Diasalai Karjalaya (1925), Annapurna Match Factory and Shaikh Gaffur Mia's Factory of Calcutta; the Jalpaiguri Industries Ltd (1925) of Jalpaiguri; Kishoreganj Match Factory (1921) of Mymensingh; Bharat Match Factory (1923) of Burdwan; Lucifer Ltd (1924) of Faridpur and others. The products of these, though of varying quality, gained a strong foothold in the Bengal market and gave employment to thousands of workers.
In the 1940s, Indian big capital started taking an active interest in this industry. World War II brought about a dislocation of trade and an opportunity to mint money. The large home market must have attracted Indian capitalists to this sector. The result was the setting up of the Northern India Match Co Ltd (1946) in North Bengal as a joint Bengali-Marwari enterprise with CK Goenka on the Board of Directors.
Tobacco Although tobacco had been fairly well-known in India for a long time, the British east india company, with the object of increasing its exports to Europe took the initiative from 1829 to extend tobacco cultivation in Bengal, Madras and Burma. One of the elements of this economic penetration was the conversion from the mid-19th century of parts of Bihar by such private firms as Begg, Dunlop & Co and the Peninsular Tobacco Co into tobacco-producing zones. The second part was played by the government, which opened a tobacco station for experimental purposes near Rangpur. The districts tobacco was reputed to be the best in the market. Foreign companies from Turkey, Britain and USA, which exported cigars and cigarettes in huge quantity to Bengal and other parts of India, played the third part. The swadeshi bourgeoisie responded by setting up factories which made cigarettes, cigars, bidis (tobacco wrapped up in a leaf-a typical swadeshi product), snuff etc and thereby added to the list of traditional tobacco products viz, khaini (chewable tobacco) and zarda (addendum to betel-leaf).
The companies which attained a fair measure of prosperity included the Rangpur Tobacco Co (1907) of Rangpur; the India Cigarette Mfg Co Ltd of Murshidabad; the Naidu Cigarette Co of Howrah; AC Dutt & Co of Nadia; the Globe Cigarette Co, the Bengal Cigarette Co, the National Tobacco Co and the East India Cigarette Mfg Co (1908) of Calcutta. The interesting fact about Rangpur Tobacco Co is that when the majority of banks refused to give it loans, the company started its own bank, named Rangpur Loan Office, and thereby brought about a merging of swadesi industrial capital with swadesi banking capital.
Leather In Bengal the leather industry grew on a cottage scale and its products consisted of footwear, buckets, water-bags, straps, harness and saddlery as also bands of instrumental musicians. The initial efforts of Dutch merchants to organise trade in Indian hides in the 19th century was followed later by the participation of a large number of German and British firms in this field. Tanneries were owned by Indians, Europeans and Chinese, the principal centres of leather production being Calcutta and its suburbs, Dhaka, Pabna, Noakhali, Khulna and Jessore. The number of tanners and curriers exceeded 5000 in 1901.
From the late 19th century, foreign boots and shoes were marketed through foreign concerns such as Cuthbertson & Harper's, Watts & Co, Whiteaway Laidlaw & Co-all of Calcutta with branches in other places. In response, swadeshi entrepreneurs set up leather factories, introduced chrome tanning, and competed successfully with their foreign counterparts. The major swadeshi factories were: Nadia Tannery (1906) of Nadia; Boot & Equipment Factory Co (1908), Swadeshi Leather Works, National Tannery (1905) of Calcutta; Bankura Boot & Shoe Co of Bankura; Tanning Co (1910) of Pabna; Dacca Tannery Works of Dhaka; Swadeshi Shoe Co of Barisal; and the Berhampore Leather Mfg Co (1910) of Murshidabad.
Waterproof In a territory like Bangla, which experiences heavy rainfall every year, there was a genuine need for waterproofs or canvas goods. Such goods imported from Europe and Japan in increasing quantity were either very expensive or inferior in quality, and generally not suitable for prevailing weather conditions. The Bengal Waterproof Works Ltd (1920), the maker of 'Duckback' products, met this long-standing need to a large extent almost single-handedly. It manufactured waterproofs and waterproof goods of different varieties.
It has to be pointed out hore that the rise of a particular industry helps in the promotion of certain other ancillary industries. This was true of Bengal Chemicals which manufactured, among other things, tanning materials required by the National Tannery and other tanning and leather works. The same was true of BWWL. The special kind of cloth needed by Duckback, which was manufactured earlier on a small scale by the Indian textile mills when the demand was small, was now being produced on a large scale due to a remarkable increase in the demand for Duckback waterproofs. As the demand flourished, the demand for other goods connected with it viz buttons, brass eyelets, nails, rope, cotton-rope buckles etc also increased. The BWWL thus directly supported swadeshi industries such as the button industry for which Dhaka was well known; the brass and nickel workers of Behala and Bhowanipur of Calcutta supplied the other goods. There can be no denying the fact that the BWWL occupied the pride of place in this industrial sector not only in undivided Bengal, but also in undivided India.
Miscellaneous industries These include pottery, glass, oil, paper, brick, tiles, mortar, ink, perfumes, hair oil, soap, pen, pencil, penholder, nib, hurricane lantern, kerosene lamp, electric lamp, fan, flashlight, battery, comb, button, umbrella as also dried prawn, condiments etc. The major companies engaged in the production these items were: the Calcutta Pottery Works (1907), later known as Bengal Potteries Ltd (1919), Bengal Pottery Works Ltd (1906) of Calcutta, and B C Pual & Sons of 24-Paraganas in pottery; the Pioneer Glass Mfg Co, Indian Glass Co, and the Bengal Glass Co of 24-Parganas in glass; the Barisal National Oil Mill (1908) of Barisal, Sambhu Oil Mill of Murshidabad, and PK Sen Oil Mill (1920) of Chittagong in oil; Tajarat Envelope Mfg Co of Mymensingh, City Paper & Straw Board Mills Ltd of Calcutta, and Jhargram Paper Mills Ltd of Midnapore in paper; Birbhum Firebrick & Pottery Works of Birbhum, Jessore Soorkey & Oil Mills Ltd (1912) of Jessore, and Dacca Brick & Tiles Mfg & Trading Co Ltd of Dhaka in bricks, tiles and mortar; Sulekha Works of Calcutta in ink; H Bose & Co (early 1890s) of Calcutta in perfumes; CK Sen & Co and Bengal Chemical of Calcutta in hair oil; Boolbool Soap Factory (1903) of Dhaka, National Soap Factory and Oriental Soap Factory of Calcutta in soap; FN Guptu & Co (1905) and the Small Industries Development Co Ltd (1908) of Calcutta and Golbadan Swadeshi Factory (1904-1905) of Dhaka in pens, pencils, penholders, and nibs; Oriental Metal Industries Ltd of Calcutta and India Industrial Works Ltd of Howrah in hurricane lanterns; SC Roy & Co of Calcutta in kerosene lamps; Bengal Electric Lamp Works (1932) of Calcutta in electric lamps; Calcutta Fan Works Ltd (1930s) of Calcutta in fans; India Flashlight Mfg Co Ltd (1933) of Calcutta in flashlights and batteries; Jessore Comb, Button & Mat Mfg Co Ltd (1909) of Jessore, Dacca Button Mfg Co Ltd (1919) of Dhaka, and Bengal Button Factory of Calcutta in combs and buttons; Sukea Mfg Co (1895) and Mohendra Nath Dutt's firm of Calcutta in umbrellas; various centres of dried prawn in Khulna and Sreekissen Dutt & Co of Calcutta in condiments. In addition to these companies, there was PM Bagchi & Co (1883) which produced a large variety of goods such as ink, almanacs, books, hair oil, perfumes, allopathic and ayurvedic medicines, rubber stamps, types and fruit syrups.
Shipping It was in the field of shipping, which constitutes the fifth strand, that foreign competition was the strongest. The destruction of the boat-building and shipping industries by regulations and cutthroat competition was accompanied by the introduction of steam-driven iron vessels, which put another nail on the coffin of the Indian merchant marine. The British India Steam Navigation Co, the Peninsular & Oriental Co, and the Asiatic Steam Navigation Co did much to crush swadeshi challenges by forming shipping rings, and through the introduction of rate war and the deferred rebate system.
The revival of shipping in Bengal no doubt paralleled the revival of handicrafts and the setting up of modern industries. The problem before the swadeshi entrepreneurs was to make the country commercially independent. To do so, as it was argued in Dawn & Dawn Society's Magazine, what was needed was to develop three departments, viz, creation of manufactures, controlling retail supply, and ensuring security of carriage from the place of manufacture to the place of supply. Of the three the third was the most important because the first two would become useless if the enemies of swadesi were in control of the means of carriage. Since the railway was state-controlled, and since the control of steam services was exercised by foreign companies in East Bengal, the import of indigenous goods from Calcutta was made all the more difficult. Swadeshi entrepreneurs knew well that they would not be able to control the means of carriage by land without shaking off colonial rule; the only thing they thought they could expect to do then was to get hold of that part of communication by water so that in case the government used the railways against them, they could at least use the waterways as a weapon both for self-defense and to counter British shipping interests. This was the essential background leading to the formation of Inland River Steam Service Ltd (1884), Bengal Steam Navigation Co (1907), East Bengal Mahajan Flotilla Co Ltd (1908), Cooperative Navigation Ltd (1908), East Bengal River Steam Service Ltd (1897) and many other enterprises which carried passengers and cargo connecting many parts of India and Burma.
However, the competition from the foreign shipping rings was too strong to be withstood for long. There were as many as eight methods applied against the swadesi concerns. The first of these was rate-cutting competition in complete knowledge of the fact that the Indian enterprises had no large capital to fall back upon. The second included influencing government officers, adopting various tricks and encouraging litigation to put swadesi entrepreneurs in various difficulties. Third, experts, auditors and other European officials were sometimes actually forbidden to act on behalf of Indian shipping companies. Fourth, the European community as a whole started non-cooperation with indigenous firms engaged in the shipping line. Fifth, sometimes a section of the Anglo-Indian press discredited Indian firms by the deliberate omission of news which went to their credit. Sixth, the Anglo-Indian press also refused to advertise swadesi companies. Seventh, the deferred rebate system was introduced to enforce loyalty of customers. Eighth, attempts were made to damage or disable Indian vessels through deliberate collision with foreign vessels. The result was the demise of a large number of swadesi navigation companies by the early 1920s.
Banking and Insurance These, in some form or other, existed in Bengal for a long time before the commencement of colonial rule. The roles played by the Subarnabanik caste from the ancient period and later by the house of jagat sheth are well-known. The Union Bank (1829) set up by dwarkanath tagore was a joint Anglo-Indian enterprise developed along modern lines. A large number of banking and loan companies were floated from the second half of the 19th century and in particular, during the heyday of the Swadeshi; the most notable of these was Bengal National Bank Ltd (1907) of Calcutta. In the field of insurance, Hindusthan Co-operative Insurance Society Ltd (1907) occupied pride of place.
The Swadeshi bourgeoisie came from a variety of social groups and classes such as the professional middle class, artisans, zamindars and peasants. The middle class consisted of a large number of people viz, physicians (eg Nilratan Sarkar of National Tannery and Mohendra Nath Nandi of Pioneer Iron Works), professors (Prafulla Chandra Ray of Bengal Chemical and Jogesh Chandra Ghosh of Sadhana Aushadhalaya), lawyers (Uday Kumar Das of the Sreenath Mill), teachers (Mathura Mohan Chakraborty of Sakti Aushadhalaya), engineers (three unnamed engineers of Silpapith) as also clerks, government pensioners, and others who had purchased shares of swadesi companies such as Bengal Chemical. The importance of artisans-turned-into-small entrepreneurs is that they themselves were directly associated with the process of production. Investments were also made and initiatives taken by zamindars such as Taran Gobinda Choudhury, the proprietor of Pabna Silpa Sanjibani Co, Karuna Kishore Kargupta, founder of Betjan & Co etc. The most notable example of a peasant-turned-entrepreneur was Alamohan Das of Howrah, the founder of India Machinery Co.
The problems faced by the Swadeshi bourgeoisie in course of their participation in the industrialisation of Bengal were varied in nature. First of course was foreign competition. In addition navigation and tobacco where competition was particularly sharp, competition was also strongly felt in such fields as cotton goods, medicines, perfumes, soap, cigarettes, potteries, matches, locks and keys, iron safes, leather goods, dairy products, banking, insurance, paper, waterproof, machineries etc. Second, paucity of capital was a problem faced by almost all Swadeshi companies. Third, railway freight charges were so high that demands were raised by the Bengal Chemical before the Drugs Enquiry Committee of 1930-31 that the government should introduce a reduced special tariff for the movement of their products from one place to another. Fourth, another feature was the lack of expert management for which Pioneer Weaving Mill and others suffered. Fifth, government excise duty of a discriminatory nature was also detrimental to the growth of Swadeshi industries. One of the worst victims was the hosiery industry when the government imposed a levy of excise duty on its products despite the fact that Bengal hosiery factories already paid import duty for yarns imported from Britain. Moreover, Mohini Mills had to pay a 5% customs duty on the ad valorem rate of yarn imported from Manchester, the weight of tubes also being included along with the weight of the yarn, so that the import duty paid by them was more than 5%. To add to this list, the Bande Mataram Match Factory was forced to close down its business due to the non-cooperation of the government in supplying timber to the company at moderate rates from reserve forests. Sixth, over and above all, the general unfavourable attitude of the state and racial discrimination also intensified the problems of swadesi entrepreneurs. Although in the industrialisation of Bengal both the big and small and middle bourgeoisie played their respective roles, they differed from one another in many respects. These are as follows:
Social origin While the Indian big bourgeoisie originated from traders, bankers, middlemen, brokers, speculators and gamblers, the small and middle bourgeoisie came from professors, physicians, zamindars, artisans and peasants.
Ways of primary accumulation While the big bourgeoisie profiled by acting as traders, middlemen, gamblers etc the small and middle bourgeoisie moved in other directions. PC Ray saved something from his academic profession and literally went from door to door to raise money for BCPW. Nilratan Sarkar raised the seed capital for his National Tannery probably out of his savings from the medical profession.
Knowledge of production processes/original research Unlike the big bourgeoisie which, in general, did not either have any knowledge whatsoever of the process of production, the small and middle (ie, the swadesi bourgeoisie) gained some experience in this sector. P C Ray has described in detail how in the formative period of BCPW, he experimented on sajimati and bone ash to prepare fine carbonate of soda and phosphate of soda crystals through an elaborate chemical process. PM Bagchi & Co carried out research on indigenous plants and herbs and prepared patented allopathic medicines.
Selection of sites and building plans While the big companies depended on foreign exports even for the selection of sites for mills and plans for buildings, small and middle entrepreneurs depended on themselves. MM Chakraborty drew up the entire plan for the Mohini Mills on his own. The sites for Prasanna Match Factory, Bhagirathi Match Factory and Jalpaiguri Industries Ltd were selected by the proprietors because of their proximity to the sources of timber, cheap labour, electricity or market places.
Management/ Experts/Directors Unlike the big bourgeoisie, which relied to a large extent on foreigners for management, services of experts, and formation of the boards of directors, the small and middle depended on themselves, in these areas.
Machinery One of the major features of industrialisation is the importation of foreign machinery on a large scale. This was due neither to the fact that Indian artisans lacked in technical skill nor because there was no development of indigenous technical know-how, but because colonial rule had destroyed indigenous industries along with their know-hows and had transplanted the Western system to the Indian soil. The big bourgeoisie, in general, installed imported machines, introduced foreign technology in their factories, and paid no attention to the task of producing the means of production.
This dependence was also noticeable partly among the middle bourgeoisie, eg, in cotton textiles, cigarettes, matches etc. However, there were also many among the small and middle sections who made their own machines in their workshops. Swadesi companies such as Sreenath Mill, BCPW etc made their machines in their own workshops for their own use. Machines were made on a commercial scale by Bhowani Eng & Trading Co, Maya Eng Works, India Machinery Co and many others. Various technological innovations were initiated in such diverse fields as candle-stands, padlocks, flutes, looms, machine-fans, raider's alarms, cash-boxes, cookers, iron buckets, electrical devices, pumps, chimneys, stoves, Plaster of Paris, various chemical improvements, harmoniums, watch-bands, luni-solar calendars, tiles, lactometers, sugarcane-mills, trains, safety-locks, thrashing machines, lanterns, match-machines, cisterns, warping machines, water-lifts, tyres, electric water-heaters, coke-kilns, cement, fountain-pens, food products, rural filter, etc. These swadeshi engineers and entrepreneurs of Bengal set a tradition which was totally alien to the representatives of Indian big capital enterprises such as the Birlas, Goenkas and others.
Market Unlike the big bourgeoisie, which depended on foreigners-even for marketing, the small and middle sections sold their products mainly through deshi shops which sprang up in all parts of Bengal viz, India Stores Ltd of Calcutta, Jadumani Printing Works of Assam, Datta Bros of Sylhet, Chowdhury Bros & Co of Barisal and Fecto of Dhaka, to name only a few.
Political attitude Unlike the big bourgeoisie, which was without exception politically tied up to the British, a number of swadeshi entrepreneurs either took part in anti-colonial revolutionary activities directly or secretly gave all possible help to the revolutionary cause. Hirendranath Dattagupta of East India Pharmaceuticals of Calcutta was a member of the underground Jugantar political group and was imprisoned by the British. The same was the case with the political background of Surendra Mohan Basu of Bengal Waterproof Works of Calcutta. However, Gopal Hosiery of Calcutta took the most admirable stand. Contrary to many swadeshi capitalists, not to speak of the big bourgeoisie, which served the British during the two world wars either by supplying their war needs or by handing over their mills to the government to manufacture war materials needed by the British troops, this swadeshi firm refused to supply vests to the troops during World War II even at the risk of suffering not only heavy financial losses but also political imprisonment.
The example set by the Gopal Hosiery is, however, not unique. There were cases of collaboration with the British among this section also. PC Ray, for example, was knighted by the British during World War I for his support, in sharp contrast to the stand taken by Gopal Hosiery. In the industrialisation of Bengal, two different strands were thus clearly discernible. One was the path of collaboration with the Raj as pursued by the big bourgeoisie; the other was the path of self-reliance as followed by the small and middle bourgeoisie. These two opposite paths coexisted with each other and influenced the course of industrialisation of Bengal in their own ways. [Amit Bhattacharyya]
Bibliography Iftikhar-ul Awwal, The Industrial Development of Bengal 1900-1939, New Delhi, 1982; Amit Bhattacharyya, Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal 1900-1920, Calcutta, 1986; Amit Bhattacharyya, Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal 1921-1947 The Second Phase, Calcutta, 1995; SK Ghosh, The Indian Big Bourgeoisie Its Genesis, Growth and Character, 2nd edition Revised & enlarged ed., Calcutta, 2000.